By Almeira Parruque
On November 15, 2024, Mozambique was rocked by widespread “banging pot” protests that reverberated across the country. People expressed their frustration with the current government and demand freedom from half a century of oppression and marginalisation. Some say that, on that day, Mozambique entered an early new year, signalling the rise of a popular revolution.
Photo credit: Almeira Parruque
The use of banging pots as a form of protest dates back to the 1830s, originating during the July Revolution in France before spreading globally. In Mozambique, protesters connect this method of protest to hunger. The analogy is that if the pots were filled with food, there would be no empty pots to bang. Despite its vast natural resources, the country remains one of the poorest countries in the world. Banging pots also represent an alternative for those who fear retaliation and prefer to protest in the secrecy of their houses.
The demonstrations, now in their second month, have economic and political motives. Mozambicans are contesting the results of the October 2024 elections and the alleged defeat of the opposition candidate, Venâncio Mondlane. The Frelimo regime, which has been in power for 49 years, is accused of dictatorship, murders and depriving the people of basic living standards while its elite members amount luxuries both in-country and abroad. The peaceful protests, called by Mondlane via social media, are being met with violent responses and human rights violations, causing more than 50 deaths and numerous arrests and injuries inflicted by gunshots, teargas and running over protesters.
The events in Mozambique resonate with my ongoing research on the effects of financial inclusion interventions on prosperity. For 9 months, I interacted with people in peri-urban and rural areas of Maputo and Gaza provinces and asked them how they define a ‘good life’. Responses often centred on the precarity of the built environment and infrastructure. Many houses are affected by flooding and lack electricity (e.g., near Bobole, just 50km from Maputo city). During conversations, people highlighted the importance of basic needs such as three meals a day, employment, adequate houses, roads, public transport, nearby schools and hospitals, and quality services. Many also felt unheard and unrepresented and showed enormous concerns about their children's future.
The country’s inequalities are a result of colonial legacies and carry racial, regional, and economic ramifications. Researchers often label Mozambique “a Failed State” due to widespread corruption within the government, while Western nations and organisations often take a passive stance, focusing more on counterterrorism and economic interests.
Since its independence, the country has relied heavily on foreign aid. Structural adjustment programs imposed by the West resulted in over-indebtedness. The government defaulted in 2016; nevertheless, foreign influences remain significant, including extensive mineral extraction and gas exploration. Such contractual agreements raise concerns, mainly when they benefit only a few political figures – prompting debates over new forms of colonialism from the West but also from Mozambican elites over its people.
While Mozambique awaits the Constitutional Council's statement regarding voting irregularities and recounting, one question remains: Will Mozambicans continue to pay for illicit debts and resource extraction contracts that deprive most people of the so-needed ‘good life’?
Almeira Parruque is a Commonwealth Scholar pursuing a PhD at the IGP and researching the effects of financial inclusion interventions on prosperity among low-income people in Mozambique. She has 12 years of work experience in the financial sector, and her previous roles include working as an Investment Analyst and International Cooperation Technician.
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